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Monday, June 24, 2002
Outlook Magazine

Poisoned Edge: The Sangh exploits Dalit and tribal frustration to recruit soldiers for Hindutva's 'war'
Davinder Kumar

Of all the disturbing facts that have emerged from the post-mortem of the communal carnage in Gujarat, the most baffling and alarming is the large-scale participation of Dalits and tribals in the rioting. Independent observers, researchers and social activists are agreed that their involvement was unprecedented. Never before was the divide between the Dalits and Muslims so pronounced and so violent. Even more shocking: tribals, who have little in common with mainstream Hinduism, brandished weapons, looted and killed as they violently avenged the 'attack on Hindus'.

Significantly, the feedback from the ground on what caused the frenzied participation of tribals and Dalits is at variance from the 'Hindutva backlash' theory conveniently propounded by the VHP and the Sangh parivar. The truth, according to activists working with tribals and Dalits, is that they were lured by money, power, and social and political recognition to act like mercenaries for the Hindutva cause. Dalit leader Udit Raj, who has initiated a campaign of mass mobilisation of Dalits and Muslims together with the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind in the state in the aftermath of riots, points out: "Dalits were being lured by money, liquor and political prospects and were used like jehadis by the Hindutva forces."

Social scientists in Gujarat predict that in the days to come the politics of hatred being churned out from the VHP's laboratory in Gujarat could have a severe impact on the state's social fabric. Ganesh Devy, noted tribal rights activist and director of the Tribal Academy in Tejgadh (the first tribal town where violence broke out) carries the argument further: "The truth is that the RSS and the BJP are quite rattled by the response of the tribals. The ferocity of their participation has surprised the torchbearers of Hindutva. A good number of tribals are educated and during the recent riots they successfully overcame the fear of the administration. All that will lead to a volatile political mix in the days to come when tribals will want to be in the driver's seat. In the future, the hate campaign perpetrated by the RSS and the VHP can easily turn against them." Many like Devy see the emergence among Dalits and tribals of a neo-militancy now being tapped by rightwing Hindutva.

Gujarat has a 15 per cent tribal population, far higher than the national average of 8 per cent. Although a significant number of tribals, who dominate nine districts in the state, are educated, their economic status puts them among the poorest social groups in the state. Many blame successive Congress governments for doing little for tribal uplift and leaving them vulnerable to the Sangh parivar's influence. Money and political recognition, according to activists, plays a crucial role in wooing the tribals.

While the lure of money is significant, the polarisation of tribals and Dalits was a plan set into motion by the Sangh well over a decade ago. It has been active for long in the tribal belts through sister organisations like the Vanavasi Seva Sangh. These outfits seem to have succeeded in indoctrinating the tribals with the view that they are indeed Hindus and that Muslims are their enemies. Says Achyut Yagnik, political scientist and coordinator of the Ahmedabad-based Centre for Social Knowledge and Action: "The Sangh has systematically made inroads among Dalits and tribals and is using them as instruments of Hindutva. This is being achieved with extended government patronage. A systematic Hindutva campaign is on in the tribal region. The VHP and the Bajrang Dal have registered their presence at the village level."

While towns and villages adjoining the tribal belts in far-flung districts saw militant tribals partaking of the post-Godhra arson and looting, the Dalits were roped in at the urban centres by the VHP and the Bajrang Dal for their Muslim pogrom.Ironically, the observers point out, Dalits were targeted by caste Hindus during the anti-reservation riots in the state in 1981 and 1985.

But in the early '90s, there was a realisation in the Sangh and the BJP that it was imperative to have Dalits on their side to win elections. Subsequently, Dalits—unemployed youths and those rendered jobless by the closure of textile mills in cities like Ahmedabad—were coopted by the RSS shakhas, the VHP and the Bajrang Dal. Says Sophia Khan of the Vikas Adhyayan Kendra in Ahmedabad: "For an unemployed, frustrated Dailt youth, being a member of a political outfit, and one which is in power, is some kind of political identity. He sees it as political recognition, even if the benefits may be paltry."

Aimless and unemployed youth were the ones easily compromised and fed on the Hindutva diet. There were also sops that came along. Says a social activist: "Money (Rs 300 to Rs 500), liquor and promises of power (insignificant positions in RSS, VHP or Bajrang Dal shakhas) were used to lure Dalit youths." Once coopted, the Dalit recruits became the new footsoldiers. And they were assured of full state protection and legal assistance should cases be filed against them. The VHP has reportedly signed on a battery of 100 lawyers to fight all post-Godhra riot-related cases.

While the BJP has polarised the Dalits to its political advantage, the Congress—which otherwise has the most credible faces from both tribals and Dalits in its fold—has failed to accommodate the newly power-conscious Dalit youth. Explains former bureaucrat and Dalit activist P.K. Valera: "In the Congress, the hierarchy is so rigid that it is difficult to make it to the top in a few years. As against this, in the BJP the journey to the top is rather quick. The party has given some carrots to the Dalit leaders by including them as their lower- and middle-level cadre." In fact, young Dalit leaders like state social welfare minister Fakirbhai Vaghela have even made it to the state cabinet.

It is, therefore, no surprise that Vaghela has this explanation for Dalit participation in the riots: "The participation of Dalits in the communal riots is nothing new. The Dalits have always clashed with Muslims during communal riots. In Gujarat, during riots, there is total unity. Cutting across party lines, people participate to confront the Muslims."

The role of NGOs working with tribals and Dalits has also come under the scanner after the riots. Interestingly, Gujarat-based NGOs working under the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) boasted of the biggest and the most influential contingent at the World Conference Against Racism in Durban last September. But all through the communal violence, their silence has been rather inexplicable.

Gujarat NCDHR convener Chandubhai Maheriya admits that Dalit participation in the riots was indeed a setback to the Dalit movement both at national and international levels. Says he: "The riots have led to politicisation of the Dalit movement. We need to do a thorough introspection." But many have been pointing an accusing finger at organisations like the NCDHR. Says human rights activist and Jesuit priest Cedric Prakash: "The organisations that boast of championing the cause of Dalits and tribals failed to even condemn the riots. Their moral stand is weakened in places like Gujarat where the Dalits have turned perpetrators of violence against Muslims."

Says a hopeful Devy: "Attempts are being made to prevent further saffronisation. It can be done by local-specific group intervention and it shall be done." Udit Raj, who was among the few prominent Dalit leaders who visited the riot-torn areas of Ahmedabad, promises that Dalits will be made to understand that they are being used by the Sangh parivar.

Activists like 64-year-old Anand Parmar was at the receiving end when he tried to dissuade a Dalit mob from rioting in Ahmedabad. Stones were pelted at his office and he was threatened with dire consequences. But undaunted, he has once again resumed his work. Says he: "Our fight is against unemployment, illiteracy and poverty. We have no business rioting."

One only hopes that Parmar and the likes of him succeed.




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